Gender Matters offers feminist approaches to a diverse range of discussions on intersectional, transnational, and community issues. Contributors include UB students, faculty, and staff, as well as greater Buffalo community members, whose perspectives enrich our collective feminist engagement with education, research, and lived realities.
The Gender Institute welcomes new potential authors. Those interested should contact the blog manager, Anne Marie Butler, at firstname.lastname@example.org.
February 14, 2018: In the DACA debate, which version of America – nice or nasty – will prevail? by Carrie Bramen
October 25, 2017: Buffalo for CEDAW: It's Our Time, by Tara J. Melish with remarks from Carrie Bramen
September 25, 2017: Reflections on Resettling Refugee Women in Buffalo, by Sarah Richards-Desai
February 14, 2018
Toward the beginning of my new book “American Niceness: A Cultural History,” I recount Cuban writer José Martí’s 1894 essay “[The Truth About the United States]". In it, he argues that polarities shape all nations, the United States included. There are “generous Saxons” and “generous Latins,” as well as egotistical and cruel ones. Consequently, history is an ongoing duel between generosity and greed, he says.
In his 1869 comic sketch “The Personal Habits of the Siamese Twins,” Mark Twain used the metaphor of conjoined twins to describe the duality of the country’s character. One is belligerent, aggressive, and fought for the Confederacy; the other is angelic, amiable, and fought for the Union.
Both writers describe two competing national types: the vulgar American (later known as the “Ugly American”) and what could be described as the “nice American.” Since the early 19th century, the pairing of the nice with the nasty has encapsulated the contradictions at the nation’s core.
Today, the topic that brings this duality into sharp relief is immigration – and especially the polarized national debate on the fate of nearly 800,000 young immigrants in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.
The Jekyll and Hyde of U.S. immigration policy
The nice and nasty side of U.S. immigration policy is not only seen in terms of this polarized debate, but also in the split personality of President Trump himself. The same day in September 2017 when he decided to suspend DACA, he announced, “I have a love for these people.”
Twain’s conjoined twins are an apt metaphor to describe the Jekyll and Hyde history of U.S. immigration policy.
Is the U.S. a nation of immigrants? Or is it a nation that shuts out, expels and criminalizes immigrants through walls, surveillance and deportation?
This tension between hospitality and exclusion has defined the nation from its beginning. The origin of American niceness occurred three months after the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth, when an Abenaki named Samoset greeted the strangers in English by saying “Welcome, Englishmen.”
The desperate Puritans had witnessed nearly half of their group die. Concerned about their own survival and safety, they were anxious to establish friendly relations with the natives, and they showered them with gifts. The Puritans quickly signed a peace treaty with the chief sachem, Massasoit, and the Native Americans taught them how to grow corn and catch eel.
But as the Puritans grew in strength and their settlements expanded, they no longer needed Indian hospitality. They eventually killed Massasoit’s son Metacom in King Philip’s War, put his head on a spike and took it to Plymouth, where it remained for over 20 years.
This origin story of the nation illustrates the complexity of American niceness, which appears here in two competing forms: Native American hospitality toward the stranger, and the mercenary “niceness” of the Puritan settlers.
The tension between these two opposing forms can be traced etymologically in the word “hospitality,” which derives from the Latin root “hostis” – the same root of the word “hostility.”
From Indian hospitality to nativist hostility
This tension between hospitality and hostility surfaced again during the first major wave of migration to the United States in the 1830s and 1840s, which consisted primarily of Irish and German immigrants.
Following the Panic of 1837 and a subsequent recession, jobs were scarce. This – combined with anti-Catholic sentiment and fears that Rome would undermine republicanism – resulted in a nativist movement that aimed to curtail suffrage for immigrant men while stopping the “foreign invasion.”
This nativist rage – which blamed Europe for sending their crime-ridden and poor masses to the United States – crystallized into the Know-Nothing Party of the 1850s, whose slogan was “Americans should rule America.”
Seeing in nativism’s political rhetoric the same hatred that inspired racism, abolitionists directly challenged the Know-Nothing Party.
An anonymous 1844 article in the anti-slavery newspaper The Pennsylvania Freeman referred to nativism as a “narrow spirit of selfish patriotism” that portrayed foreigners as “intruders.” According to the article’s author, such toxic patriotism would only lead to a situation where hatred would “beget more hatred.”
In 1855, Abraham Lincoln identified the connection between nativism and racism.
“I am not a Know-Nothing,” he wrote to his close friend Joshua Speed. “That is certain.” Lincoln noted that if the Know-Nothings got control of the government, the Declaration of Independence would read “all men are created equal, except negroes, and foreigners, and catholics (sic).”
The battle over American identity
In his 1984 book “Send These to Me,” immigration historian John Higham observed that many of these nativist feelings persisted in 20th-century America. He noted that the only thing that seems to change is the level of emotional intensity.
What struck him was how quickly mild indifference toward immigrants could morph into xenophobic fury. Although Higham’s claim was made nearly 20 years before the 9/11 attacks, it nonetheless describes what happened to Muslims in the U.S.
According to the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports program, hate crimes against Muslims before 9/11 ranged between 20 and 30 per year. After the 9/11 attacks, the number rose more than tenfold to nearly 500. Since then, hate crimes against Muslims are approximately five times higher than the pre-9/11 rate.
Today, we see both aspects of American character on display in the deserts from California to Texas, where undocumented immigrants risk their lives to cross into the United States. While some Americans fill water stations, others – from ICE agents to armed civilian militias – will empty them.
Scott Warren, who works with the Tucson-based aid group No More Deaths, was arrested in January and charged with harboring two undocumented migrants in a humanitarian aid outpost, where they were given water and fed.
In a recent article, journalist Charles Pierce wondered, “It’s a felony to leave water for thirsty people? This is not America.”
As Congress debates the future of DACA recipients, the meaning of this word – America – continues to be a point of conflict.
The outcome of this conflict depends on which legacy of American niceness the nation wants to honor. Is it the unconditional and accepting niceness exemplified by Native American hospitality? Or the self-interested niceness of the Puritan Separatists that evolved into nativist exclusion?
At stake is not only the fate of the Dreamers, but also how the country and the rest of the world understands the idea of America.
October 25, 2017
What is CEDAW?
“The UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women”- also known as the “Women’s Equality Treaty” or “CEDAW” for short (pronounced “see-daw”)-is the most important international human rights treaty focused specifically on the rights of women. It requires governments and society to proactively address gender-based discrimination in all areas of public and private life, including employment, wages, job security, public safety, child-care, domestic violence, and reproductive health. Read more.
What is Cities for CEDAW?
Cities for CEDAW is a movement of city and local activists across the United States who are aiming to incorporate the gender-equity principles and obligations of CEDAW into city governance and local city policies. Read more.
By Professor Carrie Bramen, UB Gender Institute
My name is Carrie Bramen; I am a professor of English at the University at Buffalo and the Director of the UB Gender Institute. I have also been a resident of the city of Buffalo since I arrived in 1994. On August 29, 2017, the Trump Administration announced that it had cancelled the collection of data on the wage gap, as well as differences in pay based on race and ethnicity. With these Obama-era rules now ended, businesses with over 100 employees will no longer be required to collect pay data. This is a cruel and deliberate attack on women in the workplace, especially Black and Latinas who are currently paid only 63 cents and 54 cents to every dollar white men are paid.
Now that the federal government has washed its hands of documenting gender-based discrimination, it is imperative now more than ever for local governments to collect data that Washington does not want us to see. And this includes the collection of data that goes beyond the pay gap to include gender violence, poverty and discrimination across communities. Our city suffers from a lack of publicly available data, and we cannot solve problems that we don't understand. One of the biggest benefits of the CEDAW ordinance is its trigger to generate data that is not currently available on pressing social justice issues necessary for our city's advancement, and the ordinance will also help to facilitate data analysis and collaboration across government/university/non-profit sectors that can lead to better public policies.
Why is data collection important? Why do numbers matter? If there is no way to document discrimination, then it is invisible. We need to see the problem in order to fix it. Without data, we only have isolated incidents of discrimination and violence. We need to understand patterns and connections in order to address the scale of gender-based discrimination.
For the Gender Institute at the University at Buffalo, the CEDAW ordinance would foster university-public policy collaboration. UB researchers could work with the city government to facilitate the collection of data that would result in more effective public policy.
I urge the Common Council to follow other cities with a CEDAW ordinance such as Pittsburgh, Berkeley, Los Angeles, Honolulu and Washington, DC.
Make Buffalo the first city in New York State to pass the CEDAW ordinance.
By Tara J. Melish
The persistence of chillingly high levels of gender discrimination and gender-based violence across the U.S. despite decades of national level advocacy has taught advocates an important lesson: If meaningful progress on gender rights is to be achieved, participatory processes for identifying, understanding, and proactively targeting the multiple, complex, and localized barriers to equal rights need to be institutionalized at the city level, closest to where people live, work, and exercise their rights. Buffalo has a singular opportunity to do this now.
Proudly supported by the Erie County Democratic Committee and dozens of allied community-based organizations, the Cities for CEDAW-Buffalo campaign has proposed a new law to the Buffalo Common Council that would make proactively fighting gender discrimination a city policy and priority. The new law – the Buffalo CEDAW/Gender Equality Ordinance – would incorporate the gender equality and human rights principles of the UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (“CEDAW”) into all city operations.
The law has two primary ends. First, on the understanding that we can only fix what we make efforts to empirically know and understand, it would require all city agencies and departments to undertake an annual gender analysis of the impacts of their operations across Buffalo’s diverse communities: Who benefits? Who doesn’t? And why? Targeted agency-specific action plans for redressing identified disparities would then be created, with all associated data made public and accessible.
Second, to foster transparency, accountability, and high levels of community participation, the law would create a politically-independent oversight body, the CEDAW Task Force, to assist city officials with their gender analyses and action plans and serve as a focal point for community-led problem-solving on gender issues.
Such city-based mechanisms are deeply needed. Women in Buffalo suffer a massive wage gap, high rates of family and community violence, disproportionate poverty rates, a startling array of gender-related barriers to accessing essential goods and services, and significant underutilization in all areas of city government except administrative support. The Queen City has never had a female Mayor. Its entire Common Council is currently male.
There are no quick or easy fixes to such inequities. Rather, the aims of the Buffalo CEDAW Ordinance are both more subtle and more enduring: to create regularized city processes through which residents’ real-world experiences with gender injustice can be brought to public attention and meaningful solutions identified, planned, and implemented through coordinated and participatory action.
The proposed law is thus not a critique, but a celebration of who we are, what we want for our city, and where we see Buffalo’s current renaissance taking us: to greater inclusion, security, responsiveness, and prosperity for all. It would put Buffalo on the map as a state-wide and national leader in the fight for gender rights as human rights. It’s our time, Buffalo.
Tara J. Melish is a Professor of Law and Director of the Buffalo Human Rights Center at the University at Buffalo School of Law. She is a Steering Committee member of the Cities for CEDAW-Buffalo Campaign.
Global Issues: Gendered Challenges of Forced Migration
September 25, 2017
As the global refugee crisis continues, policymakers, researchers, and the media are increasingly focused on the experiences of displaced people. There is an increase in the number of displaced people fleeing war zones and environmental catastrophe as well as in the number of individuals seeking permanent resettlement outside their country of origin, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).(1) While the United Nations officially protects refugees through the 1951 Convention on Refugees, and the United States through the Office of Refugee Resettlement and comprehensive refugee resettlement policy established with the Refugee Act of 1980, these frameworks have failed to acknowledge the role of gender throughout the stages of displacement, flight, and resettlement.(2) The UN began a “gender sensitivity” program in 1990, in which women have more voice in matters impacting them in camps and resettlement, and another program was put in place to protect the most vulnerable women “at risk” due to sexual assault, pregnancy from rape, and other criteria.(3) In this study, women reported traumatic experiences including “systematic rape; sexual torture; forced witness of the rape of family members including their children; forced engagement in survival sex; birth of one or more children of rape; and rejection, violence, and isolation from their own communities.”(4)
Women’s experiences as refugees reflect multiple, compounding events that are uniquely gendered in nature. Transnational policy and literatures have largely treated the process of forced migration, or any involuntary movement of people due to violence or disaster, as a gender-blind experience in which the aggregated life events and concerns of women, children, and men are not critically examined. In fact, transnational policies have traditionally favored assignment of refugee status for oppressions and dangers predominantly experienced by men, such as war and state violence. Until recently, the impact of war on the everyday experiences of women was not considered. Women were often characterized as dependents (along with their children) of their husband or male partner, reflected in immigration policy and migration discourse during the 1960s and 1970s.(5) This framing of women, in both the country of origin and the destination country, limits the roles, employment, and potential for women to make decisions and establish themselves.
While refugees of all genders may experience trauma, loss, and violence in their countries of origin and through transit, refugees who are women are particularly vulnerable to having adverse experiences before and during war, during flight, while in refugee camps, and face new challenges in resettlement.
Even more troubling given this gender-blind policy context, forced migration has become an increasingly gendered phenomenon.(6) Pittaway and Bartolemei focus on the intersectional experiences of refugee women, who not only experience sexual assault and violence as a systematic element of war, are targeted for robbery and trafficking while fleeing, and may be newly widowed and caring for children, but are also likely stigmatized based on religion, race, and ethnicity in addition to gender.(7) Hynes and Cardozo (2000) describe the role of rape as a tool of warfare and the risks posed to women who engage in sexual work in order to survive during transit and in refugee camps.(8) The specifically gendered traumas experienced by refugee women may be compounded over time and impact how these women experience resettlement.
The gendered experience of forced migration has only recently been acknowledged by transnational organizations such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has begun to implement gender-conscious programming and raise awareness around the differential experiences of refugee women and girls in transit, refugee camps, and resettlement. Women fleeing gender-based violence and oppression can seek refugee status (for such reasons as the threat of female genital mutilation or being targeted for their pro-feminist political views).(9) The new focus on women’s needs, however, has yet to effectively include women’s input or translate into substantial changes that could improve the lives of refugee women.(10) As 80 percent of refugees are now women and their dependent children, the gendered nature of migration and specifically forced displacement requires that scholarship, policy, and practice center women’s gendered experiences in these contexts. While resettlement poses significant challenges and opportunities for anyone experiencing forced migration, women may face additional barriers to connection, wellbeing, and success in their new context. In their qualitative study of refugee women and girls deemed “at risk” by the UNHCR program in Australia, Bartolomei, Eckert, and Pittaway found that women’s experiences of rape, sexual assault, and trafficking and their subsequent trauma persisted in the resettlement context, impacting their feelings of safety, wellbeing, language-learning, and other critical elements of adjustment to a new setting.(11) Goodkind and Deacon (2004) describe three areas of tasks that refugee women experienced due to their “multiple-marginalization”: (a) work in the home, such as caregiving and household tasks; (b) work outside of the home for income, employment; and (c) acculturative tasks such as language learning, cultural awareness, and adjusting to a new environment.(12)
There is little research that focuses specifically on the resettlement processes and needs of refugee women in the U.S. However, a number of studies conducted in Australia and elsewhere suggest that refugee women experience greater levels of social isolation, unemployment, limited English language ability, and unmet physical and mental health needs than do their male counterparts.(13) In a study of refugee women in resettlement who were sole heads of their household, Lennette, Brough, and Cox identify refugee women’s resilience processes as being an element of their everyday activities and experiences, rather than coding resilience as a “trait” that the individual may possess. For example, their work reflects on the lived experiences of refugee women whose daily survival, activities, and capacities represent a dynamic, ever-changing picture of resilience in the quotidian tasks and roles they must enact.(14) As women are left without social supports, family members, and spouses due to war, conflict, and separation during flight, the resettlement policy and practice context should include mechanisms and opportunities that support refugee women’s social connectedness, multiple identities and roles, and promote their agency and resilience.
Local Perspective: Refugee Women in Buffalo
Buffalo, NY is a resettlement city that has enjoyed population growth and economic improvement due to the work of four local resettlement agencies.(15) Refugee women in Buffalo can access specific resources for their health, mental health, and social needs through organizations including the Priscilla Project, which promotes prenatal care and mentorship for women giving birth to their first child in the U.S.; the Arab American Community Center for Economic and Social Services; Resources and Help Against Marital Abuse (RAHAMA), an Islamic program for survivors of intimate partner violence, Stitch Buffalo, a textile-arts workshop where refugee women come together to create crafts and talk with one another, and Supporting and Empowering Women Neighbors (SEWN), a weekly group that meets at Journey’s End Refugee Services for a structured curriculum of English language learning, self-care, and self-sufficiency training.
The formal structures in place for resettlement represent only a part of the picture for adjustment and support in the refugee communities, however. Formal and informal organizations, often organized around ethnicity or religious identity, play a critical role in the resettlement process. The gendered experiences of refugee women also take place within a matrix of ethnic community affiliation, resettlement agency contexts, and their home life.
One example of a grassroots, community-driven program is the annual World Refugee Day in Western New York Event, now in its 9 year, which is organized by a committee of community volunteers. The event began through the efforts of community leaders from a range of backgrounds, including Iraqi, Rwandan, Bhutanese-Nepali, Burmese, and others, and was created as a celebration of locally-settled refugee and newcomer communities. Activities include an all-day soccer tournament, cultural performances, and a shared potluck meal. This was my third year on the planning committee for the July 1, 2017 event, and I coordinated the Family, Youth, and Women’s Activities for the day. I noticed that while some women have participated on the planning committee, their voices were peripheral. This year, with the encouragement and support of the communities, we started a new tradition of a women-only volleyball tournament. Because of some cultural considerations, in the past when co-ed activities were offered, women and girls were not able to continue playing or participating if men or boys joined them. The planning committee also created a Family Activities space for women with small children to sit and interact.
Teams and coaches signed up for the volleyball tournament in overwhelming numbers, and many team supporters and family members enjoyed attending. The Family Activities tent became a center for children to play, but also for their parents to sit down and enjoy one another’s company. There was a restorative justice talking circle that held community-building activities, and women from different refugee backgrounds volunteered in advance to lead activities, songs, and games from their home countries. Resources from local organizations such as Stitch Buffalo and RAHAMA were placed in the tent as well. Feedback from community members was very positive, and the organizers hope to expand our emphasis on women at next year’s event.
Refugee women in Buffalo and community responses
Buffalo is one of many cities benefiting from refugee resettlement. According to Jesse McKinley of the New York Times, numerous cities in New York State are benefiting from the hard work of refugees.(16) While this neoliberal framing of refugees as “workers” and sources of labor must be examined through a critical lens, the economic impact of resettlement has been adopted as a counterargument against xenophobic national dialogue. Given that Buffalo benefits from refugee communities, we must consider how refugee women are faring in our local context.
As described in an ethnographic study of refugee women’s employment and gender identity, resettlement policies that require employment inadvertently coincide with gendered experiences and expectation of paid work outside the home. Women’s identities as workers, employees, and breadwinners conflate, collide, and are complexly intertwined with other roles.(17) In addition to the work of local resettlement agencies, some of the economic and social needs of refugee women are being addressed by a range of groups. For example, the West Side Bazaar, part of the West Side Economic Development Initiative (WEDI) business incubator, and the fiber arts workshop Stitch Buffalo founded by textile artist Dawne Hoeg, each take a holistic approach to economic and social entrepreneurship among refugee women.
In the West Side Bazaar, most entrepreneurs are women who sell clothing, jewelry, and meals, and engage with one another in a cooperative atmosphere.(18) At the Stitch Buffalo workshop, as described in a news article by Briana Fuss, refugee women from numerous backgrounds meet weekly to make crafts, some of which they choose to sell. As Bhutanese-Nepali community member Rabi Rai explained, "You won't know the people if you sit at home but, when you come here you know the people from all the different countries.”(19) This description of social interaction and self-determination among refugee women highlights how many refugee women may be fearful or uncomfortable about interacting with their neighbors and venturing outside of their homes.(20) Yet their lives are enriched when they are welcomed and engaged by surrounding communities.
These programs represent promising beginnings that I hope will continue to benefit refugee women and all our communities. By centering the voices and capacities of refugee women in resettlement policy and daily decisions on a local level, we can better understand and interact with our new neighbors.
All World Refugee Day images credit www.snsvsnphotography.com
Sarah Richards-Desai, MSW, is a PhD student in the UB School of Social Work. Her research focuses on the social and economic resettlement experiences of refugee women, how refugee women develop social capital, and applications of transnational feminist theory in forced migration studies. Her writings also include cultural humility, human rights in social work education, and health outcomes of refugees and immigrants.
Sarah has connected with refugee women since the age of 14, when she tutored Somali Bantu women, and continues friendships with Karen Burmese women in her hometown of Ithaca, NY, as well as many communities in Buffalo. Sarah is an affiliate of the UB School of Social Work’s Immigrant and Refugee Research Institute
Other links: cultural humility module for the School of Social Work
(1) United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
“UNHCR Figures at a Glance,” June 9, 2017, accessed
July 25, 2017, http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/figures-at-a-glance.html.
(2) United Nations General Assembly, "Convention relating to the status of refugees,” United Nations Treaty Series 189. July 28, 1951: 137, accessed July 25, 2017, http://www.refworld.org/docid/3be01b964.html; Richard Black, "Fifty years of refugee studies: From theory to policy," International Migration Review 35, no. 1 (2001): 69.
(3) “UNHCR Policy on Refugee Women.” United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 1990, Accessed June 20, 2017. http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/protection/women/3ba6186810/unhcr-policy-on-refugee-women-1990.html.
(4) Linda Bartolomei, Rebecca Eckert, and Eileen Pittaway. "“What happens there... follows us here”: Resettled but Still at Risk: Refugee Women and Girls in Australia." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 30, no. 2 (2014): 48.
(5) Monica Boyd and Elizabeth Grieco, "Women and migration: incorporating gender into international migration theory," Migration information source 1 (2003): 2; Zermarie Deacon and Cris Sullivan, "Responding to the complex and gendered needs of refugee women," Affilia 24, no. 3 (2009): 273; Eileen Pittaway and Linda Bartolomei, "Refugees, race, and gender: The multiple discrimination against refugee women," Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 19, no. 6 (2001): 27.
(6) Randy Capps and Kathleen Newland, The integration outcomes of US refugees: Successes and challenges (Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute, 2015), 19.
(7) S. C. Pearce, E. J. Clifford and R. Tandon, Immigration and women: Understanding the American experience (New York: NYU Press, 2011).
(8) Michelle Hynes and Barbara Lopes Cardozo, "Observations from the CDC: Sexual violence against refugee women," Journal of women's health & gender-based medicine 9, no. 8 (2000): 820; Deacon and Sullivan, 272.
(9) Deacon and Sullivan, 280; “UNHCR Policy on Refugee Women.”
(10) Doreen Indra, "Some feminist contributions to refugee studies." Gender Issues and Refugees: Development Implications (presentation, Canadian Anthropological Society Annual Meetings, York University, Toronto, May 9-11, 1993): 13.
(11) Bartolomei, Eckert, and Pittaway, 54.
(12) Jessica R. Goodkind and Zermarie Deacon, "Methodological issues in conducting research with refugee women: Principles for recognizing and re‐centering the multiply marginalized," Journal of Community Psychology 32, no. 6 (2004): 729.
(13) Deacon and Sullivan, 282.
(14) Caroline Lenette, Mark Brough, and Leonie Cox, "Everyday resilience: Narratives of single refugee women with children." Qualitative Social Work 12, no. 5 (2013): 650.
(15) Organizations include: International Institute of Buffalo; Jewish Family Service of Buffalo & Erie County; Journey’s End Refugee Services, Inc., Refugee Assistance Program/Catholic Charities. Source: Office of Refugee Resettlement website.
(16) Jesse McKinley, “A Surprising Salve for New York’s Beleaguered Cities: Refugees,” The New York Times, February 20 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/20/nyregion/a-surprising-salve-for-new-yorks-beleaguered-cities-refugees.html.
(17) Jill Koyama, “Constructing gender: Refugee women working in the United States” Journal of Refugee Studies 28, no. 2 (2014): 274.
(18) Nicole Schuman, “Refugee women build community in Buffalo business incubator,” Salt, a Fresh Perspective (blog), March 15, 2017, http://www.saltofthegreatlakes.com/refugee-women-build-community-in-buffalo-business-incubator/.
(19) Briana Fuss, "Women Refugees Share Buffalove One Stitch at a Time,” TWC Spectrum News, May 24, 2017, http://www.twcnews.com/nys/buffalo/news/2017/05/24/refugee-women-spread-love-in-buffalo-one-stitch-at-a-time-at-stitch-buffalo.html.
(20) Deacon and Sullivan, 281.